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2016 Jeff Marks Memorial

Poetry Prize

award2

The entry period is now open for the 2016 Jeff Marks Memorial Poetry Prize.

SEE CURRENT AND PAST WINNERS

THIS YEAR’S JUDGE IS MARGE PIERCY,

AUTHOR OF 19 COLLECTIONS OF POETRY,

17 NOVELS, AND A MEMOIR.

 

1st Prize: $1,500 and publication
Honorable Mention: $500 and publication
All finalists printed in Spring/Summer 2016 Awards issue. Finalists will be paid at regular contributor rates.

2016 Jeff Marks Memorial Poetry Prize — October 1 to December 15, 2015
submit

Guidelines:

Each entry should include no more than three poems.  Submissions open between October 1, 2015 and December 15, 2015.  Name and address on cover letter only.  $20 entry fee includes copy of Awards issue.

AUTHOR NAME OR OTHER IDENTIFYING INFORMATION SHOULD NOT APPEAR IN YOUR TITLE OR ANYWHERE ON YOUR UPLOADED OR HARD COPY DOCUMENT.

december accepts submissions online through Submittable.

december also accepts submissions through the U.S. mail. If submitting by mail, please enclose a self-addressed, stamped envelope (SASE) with sufficient postage, your $20.00 entry fee (check or cash), and indicate if you would like your manuscript returned.

december assumes no responsibility for delayed, lost, or damaged manuscripts.

Address postal submissions and correspondence to:

december
P.O. Box 16130
St. Louis, MO 63105

 

>via: http://decembermag.org/2016-jeff-marks-memorial-poetry-prize/

 

 

 

 

 

poets&writers

DIAGRAM Essay Contest

Deadline: 
December 15, 2015

Entry Fee:
 $17

E-mail address: 

 editor@thediagram.com

 

A prize of $1,000 and publication in DIAGRAM is given annually for an essay. Hybrid elements and unique textual, formal, or visual elements are encouraged, but not required. Ander Monson and Nicole Walker will judge. Submit an essay of up to 10,000 words with a $17 entry fee by December 15. E-mail or visit the website for complete guidelines.

DIAGRAM, Essay Contest, University of Arizona, English Department, P.O. Box 210067, Tucson, AZ 85721. Ander Monson, Editor.

 

>via: http://www.pw.org/writing_contests/essay_contest_0

 

 

 

 

 

Saturday, November 21st, 2015

Saturday, November 21st, 2015

 

 

 

Grace Jones

Grace Jones

DJ Polished Solid

– GRACE JONES:

Originals, Samples,

Remixes & Covers

(No Turn

Unstoned #267)

By Ivan Orr

 

GRACE JONES: Originals, Samples & Covers (No Turn Unstoned #267) by on play.fm

To celebrate her just released memoir, I’ll Never Write My Memoirs, and her fabulous performance at AfroPunk Brooklyn in August, I’ve created a mix of Grace Jones Originals, Samples, Remixes & Covers. 

Grace Jones’ discography is pretty darn exceptional, particularly during the Compass Point years when Sly and Robbie were producing her. Also, Slave To The Rhythm is a particular seminal record for me, introducing me to a certain clean method of music (I was so used to Prince’s “dirty” production) and experimental production (courtesy of Trevor Jones). So, this album was a gateway drug for me, opening the doors to my lifelong love of electronic music (that clean and cold was ok vs warm and analog). 

Grace Jones is truly an original so it’s really hard to put anyone next to her. However, Ms. Shirley Bassey does her justice in her cover of Slave To The Rhythm, and ironically Grace Jones returns the favor by doing her best Shirley Bassey impression on Storm from music inspired by the film, The Avengers starring Ralph Fiennes and Uma Thurman (No, not the marvel one). 

I hope you enjoy this mix as much as I had a blast listening to the songs to put this one together. It’s taken me several years to do this one because instead of working things out for the mix I’d end up immersed in listening to the songs and defeated towards moving forward with a mix. 

Tracklisting:

Slave To The Rhythm – Grace Jones – [Manhattan Sounds]

Libertango – The Swingle Singers – [world village]

Demolition Man (Long Version) – Grace Jones – [The Island Def Jam Music Group]

Love Is The Drug – Grace Jones – [Island Records]

Love You To Life (Mala / Digital Mystikz remix) – Grace Jones – [Wall of Sound]

Well Well Well – Grace Jones – [Wall of Sound]

She’s Lost Control (Long Version) –

Grace Jones – [The Island Def Jam Music Group]

I’ve Seen That Face Before (Libertango) – Grace Jones – [Island Records]

Private Life – Grace Jones, Sly ‘N’ Robbie – [Riddimworks Productions]

Private Life (Dub Version) – Grace Jones – [The Island Def Jam Music Group]

Walking In The Rain – Grace Jones – [Island Records]

I Need A Man – Grace Jones – [Island Records]

Hurricane Dub – Grace Jones – [Wall of Sound]

Hurricane (Lh2 Project House Mix) – Grace Jones – [soundcloud]

Slave – Magnum 38 – [Tigerbass]

On Your Knees – Grace Jones – [Island Records]

Slave to the Rhythm – Shades of Gray – [Beef Records]

Grace Jones Slave in the key of MŌR – MOR – [soundcloud]

Pull Up To The Bumper (Funk’s Extension vs. Grace Jones Mix) –
Grace Jones – [Hypnotic Records]

Feel Up (Danny Tenaglia Remix) – Grace Jones – [Astralwerks ]

Walking In the Rain – Flash And The Pan – [Rdeg]

Sorry – Grace Jones – [Island Records]

Disco Dream – The Mean Machine – [Sugar Hill Records]

Peanut Butter – Compass Point All Stars – [Universal Music Group]

Pull Up To The Bumper – Grace Jones – [Island Records]

Nipple to the Bottle (Long Version) – Grace Jones – [The Island Def Jam Music Group]

Don’t Cry – It’s Only The Rhythm – Grace Jones – [Manhattan Sounds]

Warm Leatherette – The Normal – [Mute Records]

Hell Dub – Grace Jones – [Wall of Sound]

Slave to the Rhythm – Shirley Bassey – [Decca Music]

Living My Life (7″ Version) – Grace Jones – [The Island Def Jam Music Group]

This Is Life – Grace Jones – [Wall of Sound]

This Is Dub – Grace Jones – [Wall of Sound]

Storm Feat. The Radio Science Orchestra – Grace Jones – [Atlantic]

Sequel 2 – Magnum 38 – [Tigerbass]

My Jamaican Guy (Long Version) – Grace Jones – [The Island Def Jam Music Group]

Sunset Dub – Grace Jones – [Wall of Sound]

Ya Cold Wanna Be Wit Me – UTFO – [Select Records]

Operattack – Grace Jones – [Manhattan Sounds]

Ladies and Gentlemen: Miss Grace Jones – Grace Jones – [Manhattan Sounds]

 

Grace Jones, we ♥ love you! Keep rockin’!

 

 

++++++++++++
Ivan Orr
is a musician/social critic whose creative output runs the
gamut from provocative to entertaining. A graduate of Virginia
Commonwealth University’s Department of Music, Ivan holds a
Bachelor of Arts Degree in Music(Jazz Studies Emphasis) with a
minor in African American Studies. During the 1990’s and early
2000’s Ivan was involved with The Music Resource Center in
Charlottesville, VA.

 

>via: http://grownfolksmusic.com/blog/dj-polished-solid-grace-jones-originals-samples-remixes-covers-no-turn-unstoned-267/ 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

bama

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

meshell
BamaLoveSoul

Presents

Love Letter 001:

ME’SHELL

NDEGEOCELLO

(Mix)

Undoubtedly one of my favorite vocalists/musicians
is Me’Shell Ndegeocello. She has the rare ability
amongst this generation’s musicians to flirt with any
genre she chooses and not lose any of her fans. She’s
created albums containing R&B, Rock, Hip Hop,
Jazz and everything in between and does it well.

With Valentines approaching, I asked myself who
makes some of the sexiest music right now and again
I must tip my hat to sister Me’Shell. Me’Shell makes
music so sexy she can put chocolate and oysters out
of business. Straight aphrodisiac. Enjoy!

 

credits

 

released February 14, 2012 

01 Untitled – Plantation Lullabies 
02 Dred Loc – Plantation Lullabies 
03 Soul Searchin’ (I Wanna Know If It’s Mine) – Higher Learning Sdtk 
04 Make Me Wanna Holler – Peace Beyond Passion 
05 Rush Over – Love Jones Sdtk 
06 Body – Confort Woman 
07 Interlude: Blah blah blah Dyba Dyba Dyba – Cookie 
08 Come Smoke My Herb – Comfort Woman 
09 Love Song #3 – Comfort woman 
10 The Chosen – The Spirit of Music Jamia 
11 Stay – Peace Beyond Passion 
12 Ecclesiastes: Free My Heart – Peace Beyond Passion 
13 Aquarium – The Spirit of Music Jamia 
14 Petite Mort – Weather 
15 Fool of Me – Bitter 
16 The Consequence of Jealousy – Black Radio 
17 Tie One On – Devil’s Halo 
18 Love You Down – Devil’s Halo 
19 Trust – Cookie 
20 Priorities 1-6 – Cookie 
21 Let Me Have You – How Stella Got Her Groove Back Sdtk 
22. Criterion – Cookie 
24. A Tear and a Smile – Peace Beyond Passion 
25 Thankful – Comfort woman 
26 Mary Magdalene – Peace Beyond Passion

 

>via: https://bamalovesoul.bandcamp.com/album/bamalovesoul-presents-love-letter-001-meshell-ndegeocello-mix

 

photo by Alex Lear

photo by Alex Lear

 

 

My Shoes Are Off

 

when i think of you

i take my shoes off, would take

off all my clothes, but then if someone

walked in the door they might

not quite understand

why

 

i sit

reared back in my chair

nude

perfectly relaxed

smiling

 

and thinking

about

 

the sound

 

of your voice

a thousand miles away

 

—kalamu ya salaam

 

 

 

 

 

January 21, 2015

January 21, 2015

 

 

 

‘Gateway To Freedom’:

Heroes, Danger And

Loss On The

Underground Railroad

foner 01

 

Until 2007, when it was unearthed by a Columbia University undergraduate, few scholars were aware of the record of fugitive slaves written by Sydney Howard Gay. Gay was a key Underground Railroad operative from the mid-1840s until the eve of the Civil War. He was also the editor of the weekly newspaper the National Anti-Slavery Standard.

When historian and Columbia University professor Eric Foner saw the document, he knew it was special: It listed the identities of escaped slaves, where they came from, who their owners were, how they escaped and who helped them on their way to the North.

“A lot of information we have of the Underground Railroad is really memoirs from a long time after the Civil War and you know … people’s memory is sometimes a little faulty, sometimes a little exaggerated,” Foner tells Fresh Air‘s Terry Gross. “So here we have documents right from the moment these things are happening — and it’s a very unusual and revealing picture of the world of these fugitive slaves and the people who assisted them.”

Foner’s new book, Gateway to Freedom: The Hidden History of the Underground Railroad, focuses on New York. According to Foner, the city was a crucial way station in the railroad’s Northeast corridor, which brought fugitive slaves from the upper South through Philadelphia and on to upstate New York, New England and Canada.

“This was a great social movement of the mid-19th century — and these are the things that inspire me in American history,” Foner says, “The struggle of people to make this a better country. To me, that’s what genuine patriotism is.”

Eric Foner is a professor of history at Columbia University and has written several books about the Civil War era. He has won the Pulitzer Prize, the Bancroft Prize and the Lincoln Prize. Daniella Zalcman/Courtesy of W.W. Norton & Co.

Eric Foner is a professor of history at Columbia University and has written several books about the Civil War era. He has won the Pulitzer Prize, the Bancroft Prize and the Lincoln Prize.
Daniella Zalcman/Courtesy of W.W. Norton & Co.

We tend to think of fugitive slaves … individually running away, hiding in the woods during the day and traveling at night. But Gay’s records indicate that certainly by the 1850s, when the transportation system was well-matured, many of these fugitives escaped in groups, not just alone. … And they escaped using every mode of transportation you can imagine. They stole carriages — horse-drawn carriages — from their owners, they went out on boats into [the] Chesapeake Bay, little canoes, and tried to go north. Large numbers of them came either on boat from Maryland or Virginia, places like that — they stowed away on boats, which were heading north, often assisted by black crew members — … or by train. The railroad network was pretty complete by this point and quite a few of these fugitives managed to escape by train, which is a lot quicker than going through the woods. …

The records that [Gay] kept give a real sense of the ingenuity of many of these fugitives in figuring out many different ways to get away from the South.

On fugitives leaving family behind 

Everybody left somebody behind, whether it was a child, parents, brothers, sisters, cousins, et cetera. … Occasionally you did have family groups managing to escape together, but obviously escaping with a young child would be a rather difficult thing — it would make it much more likely you’d be captured. So this record and other documents of the time are full of rather heartbreaking stories of people who got out and then had to figure out, “Well is there any way I can get some of my relatives [out].” That was not very easy most of the time. …

Most of the slaves who escape and who are mentioned in this record are young men — men in their 20s, basically. … Maybe a quarter were women. … This is part of the human tragedy of slavery that even the act of escaping put people in an almost insoluble kind of dilemma.

On the typical dangers on the way to freedom

The whole South was kind of an armed camp. There were obviously police forces around, there were slave patrols. These were people whose job was to watch out on the roads for slaves who were off their farms or plantations for any reason. …

Then there was the general status of slaves, you might say. Under the law … every white person was supposed to keep their eyes open for slaves who were violating the law in some way. You could be stopped by any white person and be asked to show your papers. If a slave was on the road in some way they had to have “free papers” to prove they were a free person or some kind of pass from their owner giving them permission to go to a town or to visit another plantation or something like that.

Frederick Douglass — who escaped from Maryland before the Underground Railroad was really operative in a strong way in 1838 — … he wrote in his autobiography about the fear that he felt [that] every white person might be after him. …

There were professional slave catchers, some of whom went to the North. I give stories of people who were seized in Philadelphia or New York City, sometimes without any legal process at all, and just grabbed and taken to the South, back to slavery.

On how the Underground Railroad was organized 

We think of [the Underground Railroad] as a highly organized operation with set routes and stations where people would just go from one to the other, maybe secret passwords. It wasn’t nearly as organized as that. I would say it’s better described as a series of local networks … in what I call the “metropolitan corridor of the East,” from places like Norfolk, Va., up to Washington, Baltimore, in places in Delaware, Philadelphia, New York and further north. There were local groups, local individuals, who helped fugitive slaves. They were in communication with each other. Their efforts rose and fell. Sometimes these operations were very efficient; sometimes they almost went out of existence. The Philadelphia one basically lapsed for about seven or eight years until coming back into existence in the 1850s.

So one should not think of it as a highly organized system. … What amazed me is how [a] few people can accomplish a great deal. In New York City, I don’t think more than a dozen people at any one time were actively engaged in assisting fugitive slaves, but nonetheless, they did it very effectively. … I developed a great deal of respect for what a small number of people can do in very difficult circumstances. After all, they are violating federal law and state law by helping fugitive slaves.

On the myth that white abolitionists were the heroes

The No. 1 myth, which I don’t think is widely held today but certainly had a long history, is that the Underground Railroad, or indeed the entire abolitionist movement, was [the] activity of humanitarian whites on behalf of helpless blacks — that the heroes were the white abolitionists who assisted these fugitive slaves. Now, they were heroic — and I admire people like that who really put themselves on the line to do this — but the fact is that black people were deeply involved in every aspect of the escape of slaves. …

In the South, [escapees] were helped by mostly black people, slave and free. When they got to Philadelphia or New York City, local free blacks assisted them all the way up. …

The Underground Railroad was interracial. It’s actually something to bear in mind today when racial tensions can be rather strong: This was an example of black and white people working together in a common cause to promote the cause of liberty.

 

>via: http://www.npr.org/2015/01/19/377606644/gateway-to-freedom-heroes-danger-and-loss-on-the-underground-railroad

_____________________________

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

November 17, 2015

November 17, 2015

 

 

 

KNOW YOUR

BLACK HISTORY:

SLAVE REVOLTS

ON LAND

– THE 1ST

CONFRONTATION

WITH THE TOP 1%

In the fight against chattel slavery from 1500 to 1865, the first battle-lines were drawn when the U.S. Constitution was ratified in 1788.  Forty percent of the framers of the Constitution were slaveholders. Twelve of the first 16 presidents were slaveholders. Eight of the first 16 presidents held slaves while in office. The “three-fifths compromise” included in the Articles of Confederation meant Southern slaveholders gained unequaled power over congressional representation, the presidency and the Supreme Court.  By 1860, for the first time the majority of Americans were pitted against the top 1%, who attempted to exert control over nearly everything. Who were the top 1% in 1860? In a population of 31 million U.S. citizens there were 393,000 slaveholders and their families, who held nearly 4 million slaves.

 

By Nick Douglas, AFROPUNK Contributor.

The parallels of the people in bondage today is just as scary as 1860. In the U.S. today, African-Americans and Hispanics make up 30% of the population. Yet 58% of the 2.3 million Americans imprisoned today are black or Hispanic.  Approximately 10 million people, 3.2 % of the population is under correctional control (probation or court supervision) which means that many of these people of color are disenfranchised, due to felony convictions and/or have their civil rights severely curtailed. This gives today’s top 1% an inordinate power at the ballot box just like during slavery when slaves counted as three-fifths of a person (with no rights to vote) and Jim Crow when people of color were disenfranchised in the South.

In the 1700s and 1800s slaveholders called on state and local authorities to organize patrols and militias to keep order among slaves, catch runaway slaves and quell rebellions. They offloaded the cost, danger and responsibility for controlling their slaves onto their communities.

The top 1% today offloads the cost of their criminal behavior. The public has been made to pay for bank bailouts, Wall Street bailouts, environmental crimes, and tax breaks that benefit the 1%.

After the Nat Turner Slave Rebellion in 1831 one-third of all legislation passed in the U.S. was to control and restrict the behavior of slaves and free people of color. For the first time many states moved to disenfranchise free people of color, who had previously enjoyed the right to vote..

Attempts to disenfranchise people of color today include requiring state IDs and driver’s licenses for voting and taking away venues to obtain IDs, like closing DMVs in black neighborhoods.

When movements like Black Lives Matter and Occupy Wall Street expose issues of continued social injustice and income inequality their large protests today are met with punitive actions by local and state government. Local vagrancy legislation has been used against Occupy Wall Street protestors camped out in financial districts as they protested the abuses of financial institution. Black Lives Matter protests have been severely limited by locally enforced curfew restrictions.

In 1861 slaveholders, then 1% of Americans, called on the rest of America to fight and die to enforce their rights. Five-hundred thousand Americans died fighting over the issue of slavery. This does not include the many thousands of casualties, veterans who lost limbs and were permanently disabled. Many slaveholders were compelled to serve in the Civil War because the South was in such dire need of soldiers.

For America’s current wars in Iraq and Afghanistan only 1% of current congress members and senators have children enlisted or who have served in the military. Few of the top 1% serve in the military.

It is estimated that labor stolen from slavery, Jim Crow and discrimination that followed generated wealth of nearly $24 trillion in the U.S. During slavery, slaveholders claimed that it was the natural order of things for slavery to exist because slaves were “inferior.”

Today the richest 1% control more wealth than the bottom 90% of Americans. The top 1% opposes paying a living wage because they profit from cheap labor. The 1% move their businesses offshore, when they cannot maintain high profits from cheap labor, and receive tax breaks, because they have influenced legislation to reward this behavior. The top 1% tell the majority of Americans that this is how capitalism is supposed to operate.

In 2014, 31,000 people, 1% of the richest 1% of Americans spent some $1.1 billion in political contributions to influence legislators in their favor. This is not just a U.S. problem. Worldwide there are 85 individuals that control more wealth than bottom 3.5 billion!.

During slavery, newspapers reflected the interests of the slaveholding 1%. News about slave rebellions, slave escapes and slave and abolitionist activity was underreported, suppressed, and distorted to try to create popular support for the continuation of slavery. Present-day news coverage of anti-war protests against the invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan, Black Live Matters and Occupy Wall Street have been underreported, suppressed and distorted to try to continue the status quo of income inequality and social injustice.

Today the top 1% try to distort the recognition by the majority of Americans that income inequality and social injustice have reached record proportions and have become detrimental to society by saying that pointing out these facts are “class warfare.” During slavery the top 1% justified slavery by saying slaves were “a lower class of human being” that deserved to be enslaved and that freeing slaves would be detrimental to the slaves and society as a whole.

When we know our black history and American history more fully, we see that, just like during slavery, today the fearful 1% are struggling to use every avenue available to them to continue the status quo. It took persistent day-to-day determination by the majority of Americans to dismantle the entrenched evil of slavery. It will take the same determination to resolve the issues of continued social injustice and income inequality.

++++++++++++
* Nick Douglas is the author of Finding Octave: The Untold Story of Two Creole Families and Slavery in Louisiana. The book is available on amazon.com and those wishing to contact the author can contact him at www.findingoctave.tumblr.com.

 

>via: http://www.afropunk.com/profiles/blogs/know-your-black-history-slave-revolts-on-land-the-1st

 

 

 

November 18, 2015

November 18, 2015

 

 

 

My white neighbor

thought I was breaking

into my own apartment.

Nineteen cops showed

up.

The place I call home no longer feels safe.

 

 

(Kyle Monk for The Washington Post)

(Kyle Monk for The Washington Post)

On Sept. 6, I locked myself out of my apartment in Santa Monica, Calif. I was in a rush to get to my weekly soccer game, so I decided to go enjoy the game and deal with the lock afterward.

A few hours and a visit from a locksmith later, I was inside my apartment and slipping off my shoes when I heard a man’s voice and what sounded like a small dog whimpering outside, near my front window. I imagined a loiterer and opened the door to move him along. I was surprised to see a large dog halfway up the staircase to my door. I stepped back inside, closed the door and locked it.

I heard barking. I approached my front window and loudly asked what was going on. Peering through my blinds, I saw a gun. A man stood at the bottom of the stairs, pointing it at me. I stepped back and heard: “Come outside with your hands up.” I thought: This man has a gun and will kill me if I don’t come outside. At the same time, I thought: I’ve heard this line from policemen in movies. Although he didn’t identify himself, perhaps he’s an officer.

I left my apartment in my socks, shorts and a light jacket, my hands in the air. “What’s going on?” I asked again. Two police officers had guns trained on me. They shouted: “Who’s in there with you? How many of you are there?”

I said it was only me and, hands still raised, slowly descended the stairs, focused on one officer’s eyes and on his pistol. I had never looked down the barrel of a gun or at the face of a man with a loaded weapon pointed at me. In his eyes, I saw fear and anger. I had no idea what was happening, but I saw how it would end: I would be dead in the stairwell outside my apartment, because something about me — a 5-foot-7, 125-pound black woman — frightened this man with a gun. I sat down, trying to look even less threatening, trying to de-escalate. I again asked what was going on. I confirmed there were no pets or people inside.

I told the officers I didn’t want them in my apartment. I said they had no right to be there. They entered anyway. One pulled me, hands behind my back, out to the street. The neighbors were watching. Only then did I notice the ocean of officers. I counted 16. They still hadn’t told me why they’d come.

Later, I learned that the Santa Monica Police Department had dispatched 19 officers after one of my neighbors reported a burglary at my apartment. It didn’t matter that I told the cops I’d lived there for seven months, told them about the locksmith, offered to show a receipt for his services and my ID. It didn’t matter that I went to Duke, that I have an MBA from Dartmouth, that I’m a vice president of strategy at a multinational corporation. It didn’t matter that I’ve never had so much as a speeding ticket. It didn’t matter that I calmly, continually asked them what was happening. It also didn’t matter that I didn’t match the description of the person they were looking for — my neighbor described me as Hispanic when he called 911. What mattered was that I was a woman of color trying to get into her apartment — in an almost entirely white apartment complex in a mostly white city — and a white man who lived in another building called the cops because he’d never seen me before.

After the officers and dog exited my “cleared” apartment, I was allowed back inside to speak with some of them. They asked me why I hadn’t come outside shouting, “I live here.” I told them it didn’t make sense to walk out of my own apartment proclaiming my residence when I didn’t even know what was going on. I also reminded them that they had guns pointed at me. Shouting at anyone with a gun doesn’t seem like a wise decision.

I had so many questions. Why hadn’t they announced themselves? Why had they pointed guns at me? Why had they refused to answer when I asked repeatedly what was going on? Was it protocol to send more than a dozen cops to a suspected burglary? Why hadn’t anyone asked for my ID or accepted it, especially after I’d offered it? If I hadn’t heard the dog, would I have opened the door to a gun in my face? “Maybe,” they answered.

I demanded all of their names and was given few. Some officers simply ignored me when I asked, boldly turning and walking away. Afterward, I saw them talking to neighbors, but they ignored me when I approached them again. A sergeant assured me that he’d personally provide me with all names and badge numbers.

I introduced myself to the reporting neighbor and asked if he was aware of the gravity of his actions — the ocean of armed officers, my life in danger. He stuttered about never having seen me, before snippily asking if I knew my next-door neighbor. After confirming that I did and questioning him further, he angrily responded, “I’m an attorney, so you can go f— yourself,” and walked away.

I spoke with two of the officers a little while longer, trying to wrap my mind around the magnitude and nature of their response. They wondered: Wouldn’t I want the same response if I’d been the one who called the cops? “Absolutely not,” I told them. I recounted my terror and told them how I imagined it all ending, particularly in light of the recent interactions between police and people of color. One officer admitted that it was complicated but added that people sometimes kill cops for no reason. I was momentarily speechless at this strange justification.

I got no clear answers from the police that night and am still struggling to get them, despite multiple visits, calls and e-mails to the Santa Monica Police Department requesting the names of the officers, their badge numbers, the audio from my neighbor’s call to 911 and the police report. The sergeant didn’t e-mail me the officers’ names as he promised. I was told that the audio of the call requires a subpoena and that the small army of responders, guns drawn, hadn’t merited an official report. I eventually received a list from the SMPD of 17 officers who came to my apartment that night, but the list does not include the names of two officers who handed me their business cards on the scene. I’ve filed an official complaint with internal affairs.

To many, the militarization of the police is primarily abstract or painted as occasional. That thinking allows each high-profile incident of aggressive police interaction with people of color — Michael Brown, Eric Garner, Freddie Gray — to be written off as an outlier.

What happened to them did not happen to me, but it easily could have. The SMPD sent 19 armed police officers who refused to answer my questions while violating my rights, privacy and sense of well-being. A wrong move, and I could have been shot. My complaint is not the first against the department this year. This spring, the local branch of the NAACP and other concerned residents met with SMPD to discuss several incidents of aggressive policing against people of color. The NAACP asked SMPD for demographic information on all traffic, public transportation and pedestrian stops; so far, the department has promised to release a report of detailed arrest data next year.

(Kyle Monk for The Washington Post)

(Kyle Monk for The Washington Post)

The trauma of that night lingers. I can’t un-see the guns, the dog, the officers forcing their way into my apartment, the small army waiting for me outside. Almost daily, I deal with sleeplessness, confusion, anger and fear. I’m frightened when I see large dogs now. I have nightmares of being beaten by white men as they call me the n-word. Every week, I see the man who called 911. He averts his eyes and ignores me.

I’m heartbroken that his careless assessment of me, based on skin color, could endanger my life. I’m heartbroken by the sense of terror I got from people whose job is supposedly to protect me. I’m heartbroken by a system that evades accountability and justifies dangerous behavior. I’m heartbroken that the place I called home no longer feels safe. I’m heartbroken that no matter how many times a story like this is told, it will happen again.

Not long ago, I was walking with a friend to a crowded restaurant when I spotted two cops in line and froze. I tried to figure out how to get around them without having to walk past them. I no longer wanted to eat there, but I didn’t want to ruin my friend’s evening. As we stood in line, 10 or so people back, my eyes stayed on them. I’ve always gone out of my way to avoid generalizations. I imagined that perhaps these two cops were good people, but I couldn’t stop thinking about what the Santa Monica police had done to me. I found a lump in my throat as I tried to separate them from the system that had terrified me. I realized that if I needed help, I didn’t think I could ask them for it.

Editor’s note: The Santa Monica Police Department told The Washington Post that 16 officers were on the scene but later provided a list of 17 names. That list does not match the list of 17 names that was eventually provided to the writer; the total number of names provided by the SMPD is 19. The department also said that it was protocol for this type of call to warrant “a very substantial police response,” and that any failure of officers to provide their names and badge numbers “would be inconsistent with the Department’s protocols and expectations.” There is an open internal affairs inquiry into the writer’s allegations of racially motivated misconduct.

 

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Fay Wells is vice president of strategy at a company in California.

 

>via: https://www.washingtonpost.com/posteverything/wp/2015/11/18/my-white-neighbor-thought-i-was-breaking-into-my-own-apartment-nineteen-cops-showed-up/?postshare=3801447866708144&tid=ss_mail

 

 

 

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The Black Mambas:

Saving the Rhino

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ANN7 reporter Michael Appel spent some time with South Africa and the world’s first all-female Anti-Poaching Unit (APU) to find out what being a member of the Black Mamba APU involves. He also spoke to Craig Spencer, Warden of Balule Nature Reserve and the man who started it all. We look at the unit’s roots in a male-dominated conservation industry and whether or not the Mambas are turning the tide on rhino poaching in their area.