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photo by Alex Lear

photo by Alex Lear

 

 

 

 

 

 

Tom Dent

Tom Dent

 

DREAMS ARE REALLY REAL

 

Dreams are not just what we imagine at night, nor simply mental movies we passively watch in our sleep. Dreams are really pieces of everything we’ve ever felt, every reaction to every idea that’s ever crossed our mind, not just our sacred ideals but also all the unmentionables our tongues never say, the secrets repeated over and over to no one but ourselves and as such, dreams can be disconcerting.

 

At night we are a bright forest of feelings clawing at whatever containers cage our desires, hacking away at the behavioral tethers that hold us accountable to social authorities. Dreaming is not only subversive, sometimes dreams also awaken us to our real and deepest feelings.

 

Dreaming of Tom, I saw myself crying. I was neither shocked nor embarrassed. As we say, quoting or paraphrasing a well known Richard Pryor routine, ‘what had happened was’ I was talking to someone and felt the presence of someone else off to the side. I turned my attention to see who it was.

 

Though I had never known him in his youth, I was sure. It was Tom, a young Tom. I turned back to the person with whom I had been conversing and started crying. I thought Tom was dead.

 

I remember just before I embarked to Germany for a second time, I went to Tom’s hospital bedside.

 

A few days later I was in Munich and found myself visiting Dachau concentration camp.

 

The austere, wooden buildings were clean. There was no lingering smell of death but hard and horrible memories hung in the air, especially by the barbed-wire fences on the perimeter. I inspected faded photographs, my myopic eyes pressed nearly nose-length away from the glass-enclosed exhibits, squinting to make a closer examination of the gaunt prisoners who were literally the walking dead.

 

Just a few days earlier I had forced myself not to turn away from looking at my friend laying sick in a hospital bed. I had had the horrible premonition that he was going to die while I was gone.

 

He did.

 

I never thought I would have dug Germany, been comfortable there, learned so much there. America had taught me to think of Germans as “whites,” not people. On race and other matters Tom had constantly and sharply interrogated me, albeit with great affection. Rather than say I told you so, when I responded talking about what I learned or how I unexpectedly enjoyed some new or foreign experience, Tom would just pithily reply, “good.”

 

I loved our conversations. When I visited, if he was hard at work on a piece of writing, he would tell me so and I would ask my question and leave, but usually he paused for me and patiently listened to me babble. After a while he would ask had I considered such and such, or read so and so, or he’d point to the overstuffed book shelves and tell me to check out some guy from Uganda or an old article in Freedomways.

 

Every dwelling Tom had was open to me, including a couple to which he gave me a key. In my sixth decade, as I turn corners in my life, my life has become one of Tom’s ancestral homes. Concepts he taught or exemplified in his own being are now resurrected in me. Is that what friends are for?

 

My intellectual and spiritual flesh has grown out of what I learned from him, from people he introduced to me, from ideas he shared with me, places we frequented together, like: driving deserted, country byways in the heat of the Mississippi night on our way to a poetry reading or for me to sit in on one of Tom’s classes in the oxymoronically named town of “West Point,” which was located on the northeast edge of the state; or conducting the business of planning what we wanted to write or get published while we sat in Levatas Seafood House, he with oysters, I with shrimp; or the soirees with Danny Barker on Sere Street, the old musician schooling our young heads—Tom was older than me but we were both youngsters compared to Danny, whose eyes literally twinkled as he dropped witty one-liners and well-polished griot tales of early New Orleans life and the formative years of jazz; or the many beautiful midnight blue nights soaking up the blues moan and being cut to the bone by the razor-sharp guitar of Walter Wolfman Washington; and weekday evenings crowded into The Glass House enjoying not only the buckjump music of the Dirty Dozen Brass Band but also the entire ambiance, dancers, food, casual conversations, the guy at the door collecting dollars, the forty-year-old woman out-shaking the teenagers, all of that. Had Tom not taught me, had he not shared himself with me, given me access to the New Orleans treasures he had intimately mined, would I, could I have ever become who I am?

 

The old folks always asked: who your people—not just your blood family, but those whom you chose to love, to emulate, to run with and respect. The wise ones knew: your people are who you become, and if not become, they are the human forces that deeply influence your becoming.

 

Suddenly my emotional fog lifted. At that moment his absence overwhelmed me. I retched. The cathartic urge was irrepressible, except this nausea was not released through my mouth but rather through my eyes.

 

In my dream I wept, openly.

 

But crying was not what disturbed me. What really caused unease was a psychic jab that literally shocked open my eyes and propelled me out of bed.

 

For the first time in over a decade since his death, I recognized a reality I had neither fully realized nor acknowledged. I miss Tom terribly. Given our thirty year friendship and his mentorship, it should have been obvious, especially to me, but then most men are reluctant to publicly admit how much they miss another man.

 

—kalamu ya salaam

 

 

 

 

A LUTA CONTINUA

New Orleans 1981

 

Kweli Tutashinda

Incredible. We nearly had a pitched battled at the one at the end of Canal Street. Our Police Brutality committee under the leadership of Kalamu Salaam and others, including myself, was walking around the “white supremacy statute”-(our name for it), and David Duke, Klan leader disguised as leader of the National ASSOCIATION FOR the Advancement of White People-NAAWP MARCHING AROUND IT THE Opposite direction. Both groups clandestinely armed to the teeth, it was eventually broken up by the police, who we knew were Klan sympathizers. Eye opening moment in ’81 not ’51!

Back in the United States, New Orleans has removed four
Confederate monuments, including one whose original
inscription celebrated “white supremacy in the South.”
The government workers who removed the statues wore
masks and bulletproof…
DEMOCRACYNOW.ORG/2017/4/25/HEAD…
Comments
Ramona Mann
Ramona Mann: Wow Kweli, you experienced this? Wow,
the belly of the beast…like Daniel in the lion’s den.
Kweli Tutashinda
Kweli Tutashinda: Yep. It was intense. The hate in their
eyes was real. We felt the police were, at that time, far worse.
Kalamu Salaam
Kalamu Salaam: That was a major moment in our struggle.
The night before, in Algiers, a separate part of the city on the

west bank of the Mississippi river, there had been a klan rally
at which someone shot at the police. When no one was
charged or arrested, we were sure that our rally scheduled
for the next day would be targeted. 

Early in the morning on the rally day, we had vehicles with
weapons in the trunks parked at strategic locations near the
statue. The scene Kweli describes actually happened hours
before the rally when our advance forces were scouting the
rally site. David Duke and the klan had announced that they
would hold a rally at the statue site, which at the time was
located at the foot of Canal Street and the Mississippi River,
in the major business district of New Orleans.
 

This showdown was the culmination of months of ongoing
struggles against the forces of white supremacy, which
included members of the police department. The federal
government had sent the FBI to the city in an attempt to
diffuse the situation. FBI agents interrogated some of us
and attempted to persuade us to call off the rally by
suggesting it would be a blood bath and that we would
be responsible for the deaths of people who attended the
rally. But we were determined.
 

The confrontation was scheduled for noon. Duke and
the klan forces backed down and came to the rally site
around 8:00am that morning. Our advance forces arrived
around the same time. There was shouting and shoving,
but Duke and company, accompanied by police who were
protecting them, left when we arrived. At 12noon, the
scheduled time, Duke & Company were long gone and
failed to show up after weeks of announcing that they
would be holding their noon rally on Canal Street.
 

This was not an easy event to pull off. There was
dissention about tactics, some members thought we
should call it off when the FBI confronted us. After
the shooting the night before, a few people were
certain that it would be foolish and too dangerous
to hold the rally. However, the core of our forces
were determined and ultimately prevailed.
 

Although the noon rally went off without any trouble,
we had to step out and step up on faith in ourselves.
At the rally our organization and numerous others
from the city proudly stood and confronted the klan.
Some of us thought this was one of the major events
of our times and not only organized to oppose the
klan, we also had our children with us. At noon that
particular Sunday, in the face of political, police and
klan opposition, the black community stood strong. 

All across the country, people had been demonstrating
and confronting manifestations of white supremacy.
New Orleans was not the only site. Most of these
struggles have gone unrecorded and are seldom
acknowledged by the mainstream. In the 21st century,
social media makes it possible for us to easily and
widely share information—that’s a good development
in our long history of struggle. Whether widely known
or relatively obscure, we should never forget that it is
only through struggle that progress is won.

 

As Frantz Fanon has noted: “Each generation must,
out of relative obscurity, discover its mission,
fulfill it, or betray it.”

 

 

—Kalamu ya Salaam

Kweli Tutashinda
Kweli Tutashinda: Wow, thank you, Kalamu! This history
should be known. Your memory of these details are impressive

and very informative, even for me and I was there. There has
never been a forum that I know of that has reflected on this
particular struggles struggle-maybe there in NO, but I doubt
any has commented on your outstanding leadership during
that campaign. It was a tireless effort by us all and your
leadership/spokespersonship was pivotal. I got my first real
public speaking experience other than college when I was
allowed to introduce Rev. Ben Chavis at one of our large
rallies. He had just gotten out of prison with Wilmington 10
and risked his parole being with us. Omari Obedele and
Acklyn Lynch joined us on the picket line when we boycotted
every Saturday for a year. Thanks for this history.

 

APRIL 22, 2017

APRIL 22, 2017

 

 

 

 

In Contagious

Mood:

Notes on

Claude McKay’s

New, Last Novel

“Amiable with

Big Teeth”

Amiable-with-Big-Teeth-image

 

 

RED MOODS, black moods, golden moods. Curious, syncopated slipping-over into one mood, back-sliding back to the first mood. Humming in harmony, barbaric harmony, joy-drunk, chasing out the shadow of the moment before.

The most astonishing passage in Claude McKay’s first novel, Home to Harlem, is not about any one character but the spectrum of moods that he saw swirling in the city. It seems he wasn’t finished with them, and as early as 1937, McKay applied to the Guggenheim foundation for support in writing a Harlem novel “dealing with its numerous movements and different moods.” In the newly available Amiable with Big Teeth: A Novel of the Love Affair Between the Communists and the Poor Black Sheep of Harlem (1941), we can finally see the exciting result of that expansive interest.

Amiable is about a young Ethiopian envoy on a fundraising mission during the Second Italo-Ethiopian War, as well as the Harlemites helping him, spanning many segments and orientations of the black bourgeoisie. For the most part, it is a social novel punctuated with satirical brio — McKay’s teeth are used on shortsighted leaders or characters who lack a strong sense of racial fellow-feeling as often as they are on the manipulative Communists — and it predominantly takes place in offices, parlors, and bedrooms. But the opening chapter offers an arresting portrait of the lower social strata as their attentions (and eventually, wallets) are directed by the novel’s occasion. “From 110th to 140th Street, Seventh Avenue on this pleasant Sunday afternoon was a grandly tumultuous parade ground. The animated crowds pushed over the jammed sidewalks into the street.” McKay ensures this tumultuous mood is unmistakable by repeating the word many times in the opening pages, bringing us into the overwhelming uncertainty that marks both the event and this period in Harlem’s history. The crowds are craning to see who they think is the envoy, Lij Alamaya, but he passes through them unnoticed wearing a business suit. Instead, it’s “one of the most curious of the local illuminati” that provides the thrill. An independent intellectual named Professor Koazhy, leader of a reading (and brawling) group called the Senegambians, appears standing in an open-topped car, dressed as a traditional Ethiopian warrior, “a mailed shirt extravagantly covered with golden gleaming arabesques and a wonderfully high shako, white and surmounted by a variegated cluster of ostrich plumes.” Although the Hands to Ethiopia committee — led by Chairman Pablo Peixota, a reformed racketeer — have meticulously planned the envoy’s public reception at a local church, their ceremony is dry and lifeless. By popular demand, Koazhy takes the stage and delivers an impassioned history lesson, thereby doubling the total donations received that afternoon.

Koazhy’s tactics produce a crisis of decorum that acts as template for the story that follows. He isn’t a protagonist so much as a pivotal supporting role, and his dedicated Afrocentrism stands in dramatic contrast to the other characters in the novel, who argue over whether aligning with Koazhy “will frighten away the better elements.” Much of the action in Amiable happens in debate over allowing white members into the Hands to Ethiopia organization about the political orientation of the group, about identification and misidentification between Aframericans and Africans, about interractial marriage, and more. McKay remains uninterested in what we might call psychological interiority, but he’s fascinated by attempts to resolve principles with political exigencies and by what happens when the need to do something stymies the need to do the right thing. James Weldon Johnson, a friend of McKay’s, referred to “the Negro church” and “the folklore of the Negro people” as the two main sources of “a culture of the Negro which is his and has been addressed to him; a culture which has, for good or ill, helped to clarify his consciousness and create emotional attitudes which are conducive to action.” Almost perversely, McKay begins Amiable by staging a conflict between them.

¤

In 2009, Dr. Jean-Christophe Cloutier (UPenn) was a graduate student at Columbia, processing the papers of poet, obscenitist, and literary agent Samuel Roth for the university’s Rare Books and Manuscripts division, when in Roth’s collection, Cloutier came upon what appeared to be a completed novel by Claude McKay. He’d never heard of it before, but the director of his dissertation, Dr. Brent Hayes Edwards, had published a chapter about McKay, and so Cloutier brought it to him. [1] From the first few pages, they had a feeling that it was McKay’s writing — subtle tendencies, like stacked, alliterative adjectives or seeming-gerunds functioning as verbs, as well as walk-on appearances by persons McKay had included in his nonfiction study, Harlem: Negro Metropolis (1940) — but they needed stronger proof. Roth’s reputation is such that they wouldn’t have been surprised to learn he’d faked the entire thing.

Claude McKay

Claude McKay

It took several years of combing other archives to verify that Amiable belonged to McKay. Eventually, they discovered a letter from McKay’s friend and former editor, Max Eastman, who praised the novel by quoting lines from it back to him. From the date stamps, Cloutier and Edwards knew that Amiable was written in 1940 and ’41 — after McKay returned to New York from exile in Europe and North Africa in 1934, after the disappointing receptions of his autobiography, A Long Way from Home (1937), and Harlem: Negro Metropolis — but before the stroke that he suffered in 1943 and his conversion to Catholicism the following year. They realized Amiable is McKay’s only novel written on American soil, and fittingly for the vagabond author it concerns black Americans understanding their identity in an increasingly multifaceted geopolitical culture. According to Cloutier, McKay “emerged from his travels with an agonizing need to help foster greater group unity for peoples of African descent. Because he saw this solidarity working for other groups in his travels and years abroad. It also deepened his historical sense, which is on display throughout Amiable.

The glowing New York Times article about their find, in which Henry Louis Gates Jr. refers to Amiable as “a major discovery,” came soon after. But it took another four years to navigate the copyright vagaries of McKay’s complex literary estate. Edwards has said that while they had a version of the novel ready to go in 2012, they continued to work on its introduction and editorial notes as the novel moved slowly toward its legal release. [2] The result is the rare case of an approachable yet authoritative first edition, a novel of tremendous historical importance that is fully prepared for the casual reader. It is hard not to imagine a sense of relief for Cloutier, Edwards, and McKay.

¤

Just down the street from where its typescript was discovered, at an event celebrating Amiable’s release, Cloutier read from the novel’s thrilling opening pages. [3] Edwards read from a less likely section, but one that functions as its own telling introduction. About halfway through the novel, Pablo Peixota and another member of the Hands to Ethiopia visit a bar being picketed by Sufi Abdul Hamid, a real, prominent labor organizer and one of Harlem’s first Islamic preachers. “Peixota’s first reaction to the place was not unfavorable. It had appeared to him like a big carousing depot for disoriented young people, of which it was regrettable there were so many in Harlem. And he was inclined to conjecture that the Sufi perhaps had a special grudge against the owners[.]” These combinations of history and fiction, and of common mores and bourgeois reactions to them, are present in most of McKay’s work but are rarely so central, which makes for the fascinating coincidence of his only truly American novel and an apparent “late style.”

Despite growing up in Jamaica, New York was McKay’s home, and his relationship with the city became more complex during his decade abroad. Writing about one of many returns, he recalled watching the city’s skyline coming into view: “again the pyramids of New York in their Egyptian majesty dazzled my sight like a miracle of might and took my breath like the banging music of Wagner assaulting one’s spirit and rushing it skyward with the pride and power of an eagle […] Oh, I wished it were possible to know New York in that way only[.]” The spiritual power that McKay finds in the city’s verticality is at odds with the intertwined networks of affiliation that McKay was then navigating. In Amiable, he resolves this problem dialectically, using a rich sense of local history to unsettle habit and produce these moments of skyward rush, as if placing beacons on the minor celebrities and oft-ignored buildings and then allowing us to watch from above as they circulate around the neighborhood.

Cloutier has referred to this as McKay’s “archival sensibility” [4]— that Amiable is in dialogue with an expansive body of research that McKay considers to be malleable, such that when he departs from historical fact it is with expectation that the reader will notice the departure and it will produce a kind of dissonance. McKay draws on the case of “Princess Tamanya,” a local woman named Islin Harvey who gave interviews as an Ethiopian princess, for a “Princess Benebe” that appears in the novel, but he renders her story ordinary instead of exceptional. When Princess Benebe’s hoax is revealed, Pablo Peixota’s daughter reflects: “Harlem was infested with many such as she[.]” A more consequential shift comes in the dissolution of Harlem’s empathy with the Ethiopians — in Harlem: Negro Metropolis, McKay recalls the “a bitter reaction” at finding out the Soviets were arming the Italians, but in Amiable, it is the discovery “that the Emperor of Ethiopia had declared that Ethiopia was not a ‘Negro’ state[.]” Of course, the characters are not convinced that the story is credible, and there is plenty of “fake news” in Amiable that speak to the current moment, but McKay is thinking past falsehoods to the ways identification and appropriation abet the transmission of misinformation, in Harlem and perhaps beyond.

¤

And so, he stands to date, the enfant terrible of the Negro Renaissance, where with a little loyalty and consistency he might have been at least its Villon and perhaps its Voltaire. — Alain Locke [5]

McKay beckons counterfactuals. William J. Maxwell, the editor of his Complete Poems, wonders whether the Harlem Renaissance might have remained more politically radical if he hadn’t been exiled. [6] McKay’s biographer, Wayne F. Cooper, conjectures that spending “a lifetime, instead of just two or three months, in the high-pressure incubator of southern race relations” might have changed his views on segregation. [7] And Amiable provides us with another tantalizing possibility. Would the publication of Amiable have changed the debates about black cultural leadership that followed? Would McKay have presented such an alluring figure to Harold Cruse, who writes about him at length in The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual (1967), if it had been released? Would Manning Marable have still felt that the situation was Kafkaesque, as he does in How Capitalism Underdeveloped Black America (1983)? [8]

Or, one possibility for the present: is Claude McKay a major American writer? That he was is beyond question. He wrote the Harlem Renaissance’s first book of poetry, Harlem Shadows (1922), and the first best-selling American novel by a black author, Home to Harlem (1928). [9] He was a friend of Johnson, Eastman, Langston Hughes, Countee Cullen, Paul Bowles, Jacob Lawrence, and many others; a public sparring partner of W. E. B. DuBois and Adam Clayton Powell Jr.; and an unofficial representative of the “American Negro” at the Fourth Congress of the Communist International in Moscow in 1922. McKay left many marks, literary and political, on American culture. But as a writer to study and discuss today, the McKay industry lags behind his peers from the early days of the Harlem Renaissance. Unlike Hughes, Jean Toomer, or Zora Neale Hurston, there is no “Selected Letters” to support researchers, which directly contributed to Cloutier and Edwards’s difficulty. This past summer, when I taught Home to Harlem, my university’s bookstore could not get enough copies to cover my class of 13 and Amazon was sold out. Readers seem unlikely to pick up McKay outside of the classroom, and his work is not often covered in it.

So, while Penguin has advertised Amiable as “one of the most significant literary events in recent years,” McKay’s unsettled position in the realm of American letters suggests that there is the potential for something more complex to take place. We have another chance to evaluate McKay; Edwards, for his part, believes this has as much to do with how the literatures of the African diaspora are taught in general, and he’s trying to change this. [10]As editor of the “Harlem Renaissance 1919–1940” section of the new Norton Anthology of African American Literature, Edwards brought a global focus to it and expanded the selection of works by McKay, including excerpts from his second novel, Banjo (1929). [11] Future anthologies may very well include part of Amiable in the 1940–’60 section.

¤

Building in Harlem (1945), depicting a six-story brownstone whose cornices have been smoothed into abstraction, is the only canvas without a face in Alice Neel, Uptown[12] It is neither wholly critical nor joyful — its bright blue sky offsetting the looming shadows and the looming shadows offsetting the bright blue sky — making it an idiosyncratic painting within both the show and the gamut of aestheticized Harlems. The teens milling around the subway entrance give it a sense of community, but the perspective on that station entrance is disorientingly flat, making it seem drawn onto the side of the building instead of beside it. Hilton Als, who curated the show, sees a portrait: “maybe [Neel] saw a face; the building tilts a little, like a human head in repose. It sags a little, too, maybe reflecting the spiritual weight of its inhabitants — colored people, mostly, or most likely, given that it was Harlem during the war, or right after.”

Histories of black American art tend to jump from the Harlem Renaissance to the Black Arts Movement in the mid-1960s, but the 1930s and ’40s demand closer consideration. Amiable will foster this conversation, and although McKay was captivated by historical events and figures, the novel’s real achievement is in the production of a distinctive atmosphere, one of experimentation despite the Depression and global conflict. This story, too, is not wholly critical or joyful — not even necessarily satisfying, as the later chapters take extended detours away from the principal conflict with the manipulative Communists — but it is rich in detail, sensation, and sensibility.

From pool-room and saloon the rich and rude
Vernacular of Harlem takes the air,
Young folks stroll by in contagious mood
Insouciant as if never knowing care
Meanwhile a white-and-black parade deploys
Its banners shouting for Scottsboro boys [13]

 

¤

[1] Edwards’s The Practice of Diaspora contains a long chapter on McKay’s second novel, Banjo (1929)

[2] Meeting with Edwards, March 2, 2017

[3] http://www.bookculture.com/event/112th-brent-hayes-edwards-jean-christophe-cloutier-claude-mckay

[4] Pg. 558, Jean-Christophe Cloutier, “Amiable with Big Teeth: The Case of Claude McKay’s Last Novel” Modernism/modernity 20.3 (September 2013): 557-576.

[5] Locke’s quote comes from a 1937 review of McKay’s autobiography A Long Way from Home (qtd in Wayne F. Cooper’s Claude McKay: Rebel Sojourner in the Harlem Renaissance pg. 320)

[6] Maxwell — Pg. xvii “Introduction” Complete Poems

[7] Cooper — Pg. 343 Claude McKay: Rebel Sojourner in the Harlem Renaissance

[8] Marable begins his chapter on Black Political Leadership by quoting from Kafka’s “Couriers”

[9] from Maxwell’s “Introduction” (Complete Poems xix).

[10] Meeting with Edwards, March 2, 2017

[11]http://media.wwnorton.com/cms/contents/NAAFAM3_TOC_Volume1.pdf

[12] the David Zwirner Gallery’s current exhibition of Neel’s paintings, up until April 22, 2017.

[13] From “Lenox Avenue” (c. 1938) by Claude McKay (Complete Poems 237)

¤

David B. Hobbs is a PhD Candidate at New York University, writing a dissertation about lyric modernism and the city. His archival discovery, 21 Poems by George Oppen, will be published in August.

 

>via: https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/contagious-mood-notes-claude-mckays-new-last-novel-amiable-big-teeth/

 

28.03.17

28.03.17

 

 

 

blackface

Back to Basics:

Black Face

 

Written by Edna Mohamed
Image by Sylvia Hong

 

“…the filthy scum of white society, who have stolen from us a complexion denied them by nature, in which to make money, and pander to the corrupt taste of their white fellow citizens.” – Frederick Douglass

 

TL;DR: Blackface is always degrading and racist, regardless of potential black friends, or if you don’t ‘see’ race.

Blackface: the act of dressing up as a black person by a non-black person. Popular contemporary ways of displaying blackface include: darkening your skin and especially your face; wearing clothes that you assume all black people wear and in a fashion that is mocking (think ‘ghetto’ or ‘thug’); throwing up obscure gang signs, or what you assume are gang signs, in order to ‘act black’; and depicting blackness in all its complexities as a caricature.  

In Europe and the US, the history of blackface goes back to the 1800s when white actors would use shoe polish or grease paint to darken their skin and perform cartoonishly exaggerated representations of black people. These ‘minstrels’ depicted black people who had freed themselves of enslavement, or those who were still enslaved and working on the plantation, in ways that reinforced the idea that black people were inferior to white people. Such characterisations would reassure white audiences and, under a guise of altruism, justify their depraved actions against black people.  

Blackface provided the white working class with a clearly recognisable, common enemy against which they were able to unite in humour. These supposedly comedic depictions were characterised by exaggerated large red lips and bulging eyes, and associated with behavioural traits that were the antithesis to those associated with white, so-called civilised, people. White people created this monstrous spectacle of blackness in order to define themselves and their pristine whiteness in opposition to it.

Two of the most influential blackface performers were Jim Crow and Zip Coon. Jim Crow (real name Thomas Dartmouth ‘Daddy’ Rice) sang well-known minstrel songs such as “Jump Jim Crow”, while one of his acts involved disturbing peaceful, white settings with blaring noise. His offensive performances came to define an entire era in American performance theatre where blackface and the mockery of black people was normalised to such a degree that it created the conditions for legally-enforced racial segregation, known as the Jim Crow era.

Similarly, George Dixon, who performed under the stagename Zip Coon, made a mockery of free black people who dressed as members of the American elite, but whose status was betrayed by the use of racialised vernaculars. These characters gave rise to the stereotype of the ‘coon’.

The nineteenth century produced many other racially-charged stock characters, including:

The Mammy: a caricature of a loveable black nanny or housekeeper who was deeply devoted to her slave master and his family, even if this was to the detriment of her own family.

Picture3

The Piccaninny: a depiction of a small black child with unkempt, ‘nappy’ hair and bulging eyes who was obsessed with watermelons. The child’s needs were reduced to base, near animalistic instincts, stressing the idea that black people are less than human.

Picture4

Following the American Civil War in the 1860s, minstrel shows began losing popularity when new vaudeville performances grew in popularity and gradually dominated the theatre industry. Yet blackface continues to be rampant in popular culture and cartoons to this day, perpetuating the same tropes and stereotypes that were present in minstrel shows of the nineteenth century.

Today, blackface is perhaps most visible at Halloween, or any other event that offers an excuse to play dress-up. During such celebrations it remains an astonishingly unshakable element, despite a history that is deeply steeped in racism and the degradation of blackness. Blackness is not a costume, irrespective of whether you believe it no longer carries the same connotation it once did because we live in a “post-racial society” now. Blackface is still dehumanising and continues to be practiced in the most offensive ways:

Blackface-as-Halloween-costume is one of the most audacious ways of displaying privilege. It’s a way for non-black people to perform (their distorted notion of) blackness when it suits them, without having to deal with the prejudices and violence that black people face on a daily basis. So, when you as a non-black person think that we should ‘get over it’ because blackface happened a long time ago, remind yourself that it’s not up to you to decide, because you’re not and never will be a victim of anti-blackness.

 

+++++++++++
Back to Basics is a Skin Deep project aiming to redefine and reevaluate words or expressions that we hear regularly in our daily lives and in the media, that are often decontextualized and poorly defined. We want to give different, and hopefully clearer, perspectives on what these terms mean, to provide you over time with a little handbook of quick and shareable definitions for when you need them most.

 

>via: http://www.skindeepmag.com/online-articles/back-to-basics-black-face/

 

 

 

 

 

APR 19, 2017

APR 19, 2017

 

 

 

The Heart of

Whiteness:

Ijeoma Oluo

Interviews

Rachel Dolezal,

the White Woman

Who Identifies

as Black

 

 

photo by RAJAH BOSE

photo by RAJAH BOSE

I‘m sitting across from Rachel Dolezal, and she looks… white. Not a little white, not racially ambiguous. Dolezal looks really, really white. She looks like a white woman with a mild suntan, in box braids—like perhaps she’d just gotten back from a Caribbean vacation and decided to keep the hairstyle for a few days “for fun.”

She is also smaller than I expected, tiny even—even in her wedge heels and jeans. I’m six feet tall and fat. I wonder for a moment what this conversation might look like to bystanders if things were to get heated—a giant black woman interrogating a tiny white woman. Everything about Dolezal is smaller than expected—the tiny house she rents, the limited and very used furniture. Her 1-year-old son toddles in front of cartoons playing on a small television. The only thing of real size in the house seems to be a painting of her adopted brother, and now adopted son, Izaiah, from when he was a young child. The painting looms over Dolezal on the living-room wall as she begins to talk. I try to get my bearings and listen to what she’s trying to say, but for the first few moments, my mind keeps repeating: “How in the hell did I get here?”

I did not want to think about, talk about, or write about Rachel Dolezal ever again. While many people have been highly entertained by the story of a woman who passed herself off for almost a decade as a black woman, even rising to the head of the Spokane chapter of the NAACP, before being “outed” during a TV interview by KXLY reporter Jeff Humphrey as white, as later confirmed by her white parents, I found little amusement in her continued spotlight. When the story first broke in June 2015, I was approached by more editors in a week than I had heard from in two months. They were all looking for “fresh takes” on the Dolezal scandal from the very people whose identity had now been put up for debate—black women. I wrote two pieces on Dolezal for two different websites, mostly focused not on her, but on the lack of understanding of black women’s identity that was causing the conversation about Dolezal to become more and more painful for so many black women.

After a few weeks of media obsession, I—and most of the other black women I knew—was completely done with Rachel Dolezal.

Or, at least I hoped to be.

Right after turning in a draft of my book on race at the end of February, I went to a theater to do an onstage interview on race and intersectionality (a mode of thinking that intersects identities and systems of social oppression and domination). But before going onstage, my phone buzzed with a “news” alert. Rachel Dolezal had changed her name. I quickly glanced at the article and saw that Dolezal had changed her name to Nkechi Amare Diallo. My jaw dropped in disbelief. Nkechi is my sister’s name—my visibly black sister born and raised in Nigeria. Dolezal claimed that the name change was to make it easier for her to get a job, because the scandal had made it so that nobody in the Eastern Washington town of Spokane (pop. 210,000) would look at an application with the name Rachel Dolezal on it.

I’m going to pause here so we can recognize the absurdity of this claim: You change your name from Rachel Dolezal to Nkechi Amare Diallo because everyone in your lily-white town (Spokane is more than 80 percent white) now knows you as the Rachel Dolezal who was pretending to be black, so you change your name to NKECHI AMARE DIALLO because somehow they won’t know who you are then. Maybe they’ll just confuse you with all the other Nkechi Amare Diallos in Spokane and not think when a white woman shows up for the interview: “Oh yeah, it’s that white woman who pretended to be black and then changed her name to NKECHI AMARE DIALLO.” Also, even if there were 50 Nkechi Amare Diallos in Spokane—trust me, as someone named Ijeoma Oluo who grew up in the white Seattle suburb of Lynnwood—you’d have a much better chance of getting a job interview if you changed your name to Sarah.

 

By the time I finished my interview on that rainy February day, my cell phone indicated that I had a voice mail. It was The Stranger, asking if I would spend the day with Rachel Dolezal.

For two years, I, like many other black women who talk or write about racial justice, have tried to avoid Rachel Dolezal—but she follows us wherever we go. So if I couldn’t get away from her, I was going to at least try to figure out why. I surprised myself by agreeing to the interview.

I began to get nervous as the interview day approached. By the time I boarded a plane to Spokane, which is a one-hour flight from Seattle and is near the border with Idaho, a state that’s almost 90 percent white, I was half sure that this interview was my worst career decision to date. Initially, I had hoped that my research on Dolezal would reassure me that there was a way to find real value in this conversation, that there would be a way to actually turn this circus into a productive discussion on race in America.

But then I read her book.

Shortly after I announced the deal for my first book (a primer on how to have more productive conversations on race), a friend posted a link on my Facebook page. With a joking comment along the lines of “Oh no! Looks like Rachel beat you to it!” she linked to an article announcing that Rachel Dolezal would also be publishing her first book on race, In Full Color: Finding My Place in a Black and White World. Throughout the week, at least five other friends sent me similar links with similar comments. A look through my social-media feeds showed that I was not alone. Black women writers around the country were all being sent links to articles on Dolezal’s book deal—the memoir of a black woman whose claim to fame is… not being actually black.

INTERVIEW: Ijeoma Oluo (left) with Rachel Dolezal and her son in their kitchen. RAJAH BOSE

INTERVIEW: Ijeoma Oluo (left) with Rachel Dolezal and her son in their kitchen. RAJAH BOSE

“Do you mind if I fold laundry while we talk? Then we’ll go down to the art studio later and look at some of my work,” Dolezal says to me after I arrive at her home.

The laundry basket is already sitting in front of the fireplace ledge. Dolezal takes a seat and begins folding while I dig my notebook out of my backpack and set up my recorder. The scene is eerily normal. The woman who has been at the center of a controversy that has captivated the country for two years is doing chores and lovingly soothing her toddler after he falls down while trying to pick up a toy. Dolezal asks almost defensively if I have read her book, and when I say yes, she looks visibly relieved.

 

With the din of the television set playing in the background, and with occasional interruptions from her busy toddler, Dolezal and I begin talking.

She has just returned from New York City where she had done the rounds during a media tour for her book, appearing in a Facebook Live interview for the New York Times and giving interviews to Vice and the Today show.

She is currently jobless and spends her days looking after her sons, ferrying them to school and appointments. She braids hair for cash and is still looking for work. Her rental house is a month-to-month lease. “Hopefully, after the book release and this round of media, maybe everybody’s questions and curiosities will be satisfied and then I can reintegrate into society,” she says with a smile.

We visit Dolezal’s studio. She is, in all honesty, a very talented painter. The majority of her paintings feature black people. Other than the paintings of her children, most of the black people depicted appear to be dressed as slaves or tribespeople. Breaking this pattern was a series of portraits hanging on the wall of Dolezal herself. They were done Warhol style, each painting duplicated in a different color. Dolezal explains them to me: “You know, people are always saying to me, ‘Rachel, I don’t care if you are red, green, blue, or purple,’ so I decided to paint myself as red, green, blue, or purple.”

Dolezal chuckles as she says this, as if it is the most clever and original idea anybody has ever had. I don’t know how many times a white person has told me that they don’t care if I’m “red, green, blue, or purple” when they are trying to explain to me just how “not racist” they are—I’ve lost count. I do know that I’ve rolled my eyes every time. As my brother Ahamefule said to me once, “They may not care if I’m red or green or blue or purple—but they sure as hell care that I’m black.”

I ask her specifically about the problematic sections of the book, explaining that her description of falling in love with blackness based on a National Geographicand a Sports Illustrated seems fetishizing to me.

“As a black person, as a kid,” I say, “I remember National Geographic being something that was used to mock me regularly. A lot of the images of black people in National Geographic have been incredibly fetishizing over the years. Is there a reason why you chose the language that you chose? Because honestly, if anybody came up to me and said their first encounter with blackness was through National Geographic, and they loved it, I would end the conversation immediately.”

 

Dolezal seems offended I would even ask that, reminding me that she was writing about her experience with blackness as a child. “Well, my older brother was fetishizing black women in National Geographic,” she says, looking at me curiously as she folds clothes. “And I talk about that [in the book]. I felt like my gaze was more humanizing, and more of, again, black is beautiful, black is inspirational. I had a different gaze than he did.

“I understand National Geographic has been exploitative. I understand that. But as a 5- or 8-year-old child, looking at images of people, you’re not looking with a doctoral degree of sociology and anthropology and parceling this stuff apart. You’re just… you’re looking at representations of the human experience.”

I try to clarify that it is the fact that she thinks that her connection to blackness represented via National Geographic, no matter how inspirational, could be authentic is itself the problem: “But you are looking at representations crafted by white supremacy. I mean, it’s not actually black people you are looking at.”

“Just like when people are watching TV,” Dolezal says in her defense. Then she seems to remember the interviews in which she had bragged that growing up without television saved her from viewing blackness through a white lens, and her tone changes and sounds almost bitter.

“In that sense, maybe I wasn’t entirely sheltered from the whole propaganda,” she sighs. “Or whatever.”

There was a moment before meeting Dolezal and reading her book that I thought that she genuinely loves black people but took it a little too far. But now I can see this is not the case. This is not a love gone mad. Something else, something even sinister is at work in her relationship and understanding of blackness.

There is a chapter where she compares herself to black slaves. Dolezal describes selling crafts to buy new clothes, and she compares her quest to craft her way into new clothes with chattel slavery. When I ask what she has to say to people who might be offended by her comparing herself to slaves, Dolezal is indignant almost to exasperation.

She is done folding clothes.

“I’m not comparing the struggles, okay? Because I never said that my life was the same. I never said that it was the equivalent of slavery, of chattel slavery. I did work and bought all my own clothes and shoes since I was 9 years old. That’s not a typical American childhood life,” she says. “I worked very hard, but I didn’t resonate with white women who were born with a silver spoon. I didn’t find a sentence of connection in those stories, or connection with the story of the princess who was looking for a knight in shining armor.”

DOLEZAL’S BOOK: Is there a copy of Black Like Me on the shelf? RAJAH BOSE

DOLEZAL’S BOOK: Is there a copy of Black Like Me on the shelf? RAJAH BOSE

She almost spits out the last sentences.

I am beginning to wonder if it isn’t blackness that Dolezal doesn’t understand, but whiteness. Because growing up poor, on a family farm in Montana, being homeschooled by fundamentalist Christian parents sounds whiter than this “silver spoon” whiteness she claims to be rejecting.

Dolezal feels she is different from others who would genuinely compare their hardships to slavery: “But those people are not aware, they haven’t been black history professors,” she says with a voice trembling with indignation.

I want to remind Dolezal that she is a former black history professor who has degrees in art, not black history, African history, or American history, but I don’t. I’m trying to not get kicked out of her place early.

It’s only been an hour, and I still need to ask The Question.

Dolezal has argued many times that her insistence on black identity will not only allow her to live in the culture that she says matches her true self, but will also help free visibly black people from racial oppression by helping to destroy the social construct of race.

I am more than a little skeptical that Dolezal’s identity as the revolutionary strike against the myth of race is anything more than impractical white saviorism—at least when it comes to the ways in which race oppresses black people. Even if there were thousands of Rachel Dolezals in the country, would their claims of blackness do anything to open up the definition of whiteness to those with darker skin, coarser hair, or racialized features? The degree to which you are excluded from white privilege is largely dependent on the degree to which your appearance deviates from whiteness. You can be extremely light-skinned and still be black, but you cannot be extremely or even moderately dark-skinned and be treated as white—ever.

By turning herself into a very, very, very, very light-skinned black woman, Dolezal opens herself up to be treated as black by white society only to the extent that they can visually identify her as such, and no amount of visual change would provide Dolezal with the inherited trauma and socioeconomic disadvantage of racial oppression in this country.

I ask her some easy questions, but she answers them with increasing irritation. When we have been together for three hours, I feel it’s time to ask The Question.

It’s the same question that other black interviewers have asked her. A question she seems to deeply dislike—so much so that she complains about the question in her book. But even in the book, it’s not a question she actually answers: How is her racial fluidity anything more than a function of her privilege as a white person?

If Dolezal’s identity only helps other people born white become black while still shielding them from the majority of the oppression of visible blackness, and does nothing to help those born black become white—how is this not just more white privilege?

Dolezal takes issue with the idea that racial fluidity only travels one way: “Well, I would respectfully disagree that it only goes one way,” she says. “I meet people all the time who went the other way. I meet people who have passed or identified as Latina their entire life who were born categorized as black. Who pass white and have a black parent because that’s how they look or that’s how they have kind of come to look.”

Stories of people of color “passing” for white have been well known since the time of slavery. Almost any person of color in the United States has a relative in the past or present who has “passed” for white. But “passing” was a ticket out of the worst injustices of racial oppression that has been open to only a select few. The history of “passing” in the United States is a story filled with pain and separation. It has never been a story of liberation in the way in which Dolezal is trying to describe it.

I point out that there is a difference between Dolezal’s claim of racial liberation and the forced denial of race in order to escape oppression.

“I’m only bringing that up because you said it can only go one way and yet it has and still does go the other way,” Dolezal snaps, as if this defense was pulled out of her and its limitations are my fault. But not only have I heard her invoke the historical passing of light-skinned people of color in previous interviews when any question about the one-way street of her racial fluidity was brought up, she even included this argument in her book. She has had plenty of time to come up with a better answer to that question.

I try one more time to get an answer to this question, but from a different angle: “Where does the function of privilege of still appearing to the world as a white person play into this and into your identity as affiliating with black culture?”

Dolezal seems to struggle for a moment before answering: “I don’t know. I guess I do have light skin, but I don’t know that I necessarily appear to the world as a white person. I think that since the white parents did their TV tour on every national network, some people will forever see me as my birth category, as a white woman. But people who see me as that don’t see me really for who I am and probably are not seeing me as a white woman in some kind of a privileged sense. If that makes sense.”

It doesn’t.

I am nothing if not stubborn, so I clarify my question: “I mean, if you were walking down a street in New York, just as an anonymous person, to a lot of people you would appear as a white woman. There’s a function of privilege to that, right? The way in which you would be able to walk through the street, how people would interact with you, the level of services you would receive, your ability to get a cab, all of that would be impacted. Does that privilege factor into your identity?”

Dolezal looks at me as if my question is completely ludicrous: “Well, I understand your question, but once again, that’s not what I experience. I don’t experience people treating me as a white woman in New York or elsewhere, an anonymous white woman. That’s what I’m trying to explain. People either treat me like a freak because I’m the white woman that pretended to be black in their eyes or treat me as a light-skinned black woman. That’s how people see me.”

I’m confused as to whether Dolezal is claiming that she’s never seen as white because she is simply recognized as Rachel Dolezal wherever she goes, or if she doesn’t “look” white to strangers because her physical appearance is not that of a white woman.

I’m slightly shocked that this is an argument she would make in person. Maybe in a dusty Eastern Washington town like Spokane, where only 2 percent of the people are black, something as “exotic” as box braids might be enough to convince the locals that you are not white, but I cannot imagine this working elsewhere. I’m looking right at her. I know what white people look like. I decide to say so.

“Really? Like if you don’t say, ‘I’m black…’ because I’ve read a lot of interviews with other people who said when they first encountered you, people who’ve worked with you, that they automatically assumed you were white until you had asserted otherwise, vocally. I personally… like if I were to run across you in the street, I would assume that you were white.”

Dolezal sighs and looks at me as if I am truly all that is wrong with America. “Well, I guess it’s like in the eye of the beholder.”

It is obvious by then that Dolezal does not like me, but I don’t appear to be alone in that feeling. Throughout our conversation, I get the increasing impression that, for someone who claims to love blackness, Rachel Dolezal has little more than contempt for many black people and their own black identities.

The dismissive and condescending attitude toward any black people who see blackness differently than she does is woven throughout her comments in our conversation. It is not just our pettiness, it is also our lack of education that is preventing us from getting on Dolezal’s level of racial understanding. She informs me multiple times that black people have rejected her because they simply haven’t learned yet that race is a social construct created by white supremacists, they simply don’t know any better and don’t want to: “I’ve done my research, I think a lot of people, though, haven’t probably read those books and maybe never will.”

I point out that I am a black woman with a political-science degree who writes about race and culture for a living, who has indeed read “those books.” I find her blanket justification of “race is a social construct” overly simplistic. “Race is just a social construct” is a retort I get quite often from white people who don’t want to talk about black issues anymore. A lot of things in our society are social constructs—money, for example—but the impact they have on our lives, and the rules by which they operate, are very real. I cannot undo the evils of capitalism simply by pretending to be a millionaire.

It’s clear I have pushed her to the edge of frenzy, so I decide to discuss something about the book that will not push her over that edge. I talk to her about the foreword by her adopted dad, Albert Wilkerson Jr. It’s sympathetic. “You have a community that has stuck by you through this,” I say. At that point, she breaks down and starts crying.

RAJAH BOSE

RAJAH BOSE

For a white woman who had grown up with only a few magazines of stylized images of blackness to imagine herself into a real-life black identity without any lived black experience, to turn herself into a black history professor without a history degree, to place herself at the forefront of local black society that she had adopted less than a decade earlier, all while seeming to claim to do it better and more authentically than any black person who would dare challenge her—well, it’s the ultimate “you can be anything” success story of white America. Another branch of manifest destiny. No wonder America couldn’t get enough of the Dolezal story.

Perhaps it really was that simple. I couldn’t escape Rachel Dolezal because I can’t escape white supremacy. And it is white supremacy that told an unhappy and outcast white woman that black identity was hers for the taking. It is white supremacy that told her that any black people who questioned her were obviously uneducated and unmotivated to rise to her level of wokeness. It is white supremacy that then elevated this display of privilege into the dominating conversation on black female identity in America. It is white supremacy that decided that it was worth a book deal, national news coverage, and yes—even this interview.

And with that, the anger that I had toward her began to melt away. Dolezal is simply a white woman who cannot help but center herself in all that she does—including her fight for racial justice. And if racial justice doesn’t center her, she will redefine race itself in order to make that happen. It is a bit extreme, but it is in no way new for white people to take what they want from other cultures in the name of love and respect, while distorting or discarding the remainder of that culture for their comfort. What else is National Geographic but a long history of this practice. Maybe now that I’ve seen the unoriginality of it all, even with my sister’s name that she has claimed as her own, she will haunt me no more and simply blend into the rest of white supremacy that I battle every day.


Before I left Dolezal, I remembered that my editors had told me to make sure the photographer got a few pictures of us together. We were both sitting at the kitchen table, which provided an ideal photo opportunity.

The natural light from the sliding door by the kitchen was great for photography, but with our current seating arrangement, that light was falling on me and leaving her in the shadow. It is standard practice to have the interviewee sit in the best light, so I asked her to switch seats. The photographer thanked me for the suggestion, and I stood to allow Dolezal to take the chair I had been in.

Dolezal looked at me with a smirk and said accusingly: “Then you’ll look darker and I’ll look lighter, because the light’s on me. I get it.”

I realized that like all other black people who had challenged Dolezal, I had been written off as a bitter, petty black woman. She was concerned that the wrong lighting would make her look white.

She could not see that there was no amount of lighting that would make her look whiter than that interaction had. Perhaps that itself was the secret to the power of the Dolezal phenomenon—the overwhelming whiteness of it all. recommended

This article has been updated since its original publication.

 

>via: http://www.thestranger.com/features/2017/04/19/25082450/the-heart-of-whiteness-ijeoma-oluo-interviews-rachel-dolezal-the-white-woman-who-identifies-as-black?utm_source=pocket&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=pockethits

 

 

APRIL 10, 2017

APRIL 10, 2017

 

 

All your faves

are problematic: 

A brief history of

Chimamanda

Ngozi Adichie,

stanning and

the trap of

#blackgirlmagic

 

 

 

 

 

Adiche. Image via Howard County Library Flickr.

Adiche. Image via Howard County Library Flickr.

In my late twenties, I fell in love with Chimamanda Ngozie Adichie’s words. In part it was because I understood the world she was describing. I had not yet been to Nigeria, and knew nothing of Nsukka – the university town that features so prominently in so many of her books and stories. Still, that didn’t matter. I knew the striving and the drive; the piety and the pride that drove her characters because I had seen them in the household in which I grew up. I recognized my people and their ambitions and so Purple Hibiscus became mine.

I love books for different reasons. I loved Alice in Wonderland because it mapped out an imaginary world I would never have ventured into on my own. I loved Oliver Twist because I understood the longing Dickens so painstakingly described.

There are some books that you love because reading them is a struggle: Albert Camus’ L’etranger has a special place in my heart because I read it in French when I was in high school. It was hard work grappling with existentialism in a language I had only heard in school. Yet Camus was preoccupied with making sense of a society built on the same sorts of inequalities and corruptions I knew so well.  The complications and difficulties of that book are etched in my heart. In other words, most books matter because of who you are at the time you are reading them. This is precisely why Adichie meant so much to me.

I was not alone. Adichie’s arrival on the literary scene was heralded with much excitement because she was precisely the sort of writer many women of my generation needed, and ours was a powerful and unique generation. Born after colonialism had ended we were free and the continent in which we grew up was still gleaming with possibilities. Although by the time I was thirty, Africa was seen as a “basket-case,” the Africa of my childhood was not yet a failure. Adichie found a way to articulate that. She was writing the kind of books many of us had been wanting to read. She represented the future so many of us had known as children.

I had not yet thought I might pursue writing in any serious way, but I saw myself as the sort of confident young woman whose ideas might matter and be taken seriously. Before her, I had devoured the books of Miriama Ba and Tsitsi Dangaremba and Sindiwe Magona and a host of African women whose writing had been crucial to my intellectual formation. Yet none of them were my contemporaries. None had come of age alongside me in the way Adichie was doing. I saw myself in the worlds she created, but I also saw myself as a fellow traveller, as someone who was striking out a new path in her field. I was doing what she was doing in a sense, just in my own small professional patch.

In many ways then Adichie occupied a unique place in contemporary black women’s thought and literature for at least a decade before the phrase black girl magic was coined as a hashtag, and as the motto for a new generation’s struggle for recognition and self-love.

Adichie is African of course, but because she began writing in a world that was more global than it had ever been, because she traveled so frequently between Nigeria and America, she was easily claimed as a member of a much larger global African diaspora. She may technically belong to two countries, but she is collectively seen as a daughter or a sister to black people in a broader sense.

In other words, Adichie has become a signifier for something larger than herself. In some ways, she has marked the rise of what Taiye Selassie calls, “the Afropolitan.” The phrase is problematic, and I use it fully aware of its complications. Still, part of the Adichie phenomenon has been the sense for many Africans who are similarly located as citizens of Africa as a concept, that if success was possible for her in the world of arts and letters, then surely, we might all succeed in the various new terrains we sought to master – from engineering to cosmetic surgery to venture capital.

And it was when we began to project our dreams onto her that loving Adichie the symbol – rather than her books – became murky. This is not unique to Adichie, but it provides a stark example of the limits of black girl magic. It plays in the dangerous terrain in which we accept that, “there is some sort of inherent connection between all brown-skinned persons. We know something. We necessarily connect…[A]ll group identities are constructed. However, some group identities run away with us. Some become harmful, or even work against the purpose they were created to defeat…[T]he “Afropolitan” is just such a group identity. It is exclusive, elitist and self-aggrandizing.”

By the time Adichie’s “Danger of a single story” TED talk was released, she was already flirting with fame. The talk has been viewed millions of times and it helped her to take the first serious steps towards genuine fame. It became a manifesto, a sort of treatise for a new generation of feminists of all races but of a very particular class background, who were looking for more complicated ways of understanding the world than their mothers had been able to provide.

Both in its substance and in its form, the talk laid the foundation for the sort of hero Adichie would be. She was at once acceptable – pretty and made up but not too much – and rebellious. She broke the rules by not memorizing the talk. She read her talk because she was not the sort who would be pushed to adhere to silly rules about how to give good TED talks. She stood in jeans and a head-wrap and read her comments. The ease of her words, and the commonsense style of her delivery were at once charming and intimidating. Adichie was haughty and no nonsense and infinitely poised in a way that was instantly recognizable to me as a middle class African woman who had met many women raised in Adichie’s mold. She was not a new phenomenon to me, she was simply a newly celebrated phenom, and I allowed myself the indulgence of enjoying the moment as though it were my own.

The talk cemented her status as the sort of intellectual rock star, the kind of literary and cultural maven many of us had been looking for. Even in her form, she was supremely of the moment. Giving a record-breaking TED Talk was a supremely contemporary way to get famous, and it mapped onto the ways in which a new generation of diligent and prodigious middle class Africans hoped to make their mark. As the “Africa rising” narrative swept across the pages of The Economist and The Financial Times, Adichie’s star rose higher and higher.

While her book sales were significant and her name was on the lips of more people than ever, it was her next talk titled “Why we should all be feminists,” that sealed her place in the firmament of literary and popular culture. She had tapped into an important conversation – albeit one that had been happening around her with far more complexity and rigor, for many generations.

She was both able to speak to a mainstream audience, and signal to a core constituency of imagined and imaginary black women who were as Selassie might say, “nodding with recognition” at her words. She explained feminism so well that Beyonce – a pop icon who is similarly able to signify to an imagined audience of black folks while speaking in a language the master understands and can commodify – included the talk in her song “Flawless.”

Since the release of “Flawless,” Adichie has increasingly been used as an expert on non-fiction matters relating to race, gender and African politics. Beyond her books, she has come to be recognized as a spokesperson in the West.

There are traps of course for any literary celebrity, and certainly for one who hails from Africa. As Professor Simon Gikandi points out, “… globalization creates all of these opportunities for novelists and writers; but at the same time, of course, again the more complex issue revolves around the terms of that globalization. Some people could argue… that in order for these fictions to become global, they have had to be involved in a fascinating and sometimes disturbing act of cultural translation because their audiences are no longer located in their sites of referent. Let me put it this way: there is a split between the object of representation, and the people who read it… [W]orks are set in East Africa but… readers are North American, and in that sense it would be interesting to ask what kinds of transactions have taken place so that these African fictions can succeed in a global scene. So the global scene, and globalization in general, are transforming the terms of cultural contact, but also transforming the forms of fiction.”

Adichie has no control over this of course. These are forces far larger than she. At the same time, because she has walked so confidently into the realm of non-fiction, and has agreed on multiple occasions, to take up the mantle of “spokesperson,” there is an increasing expectation that she is up to the task; that she can in fact authentically speak on behalf of the fans who adore her. Over time those fans have included young women enthralled by her popularization of existing mainstream feminist ideas and LGBTI communities across the diaspora and in urban European, American and African contexts.

Recently, Adichie made comments about trans-women that indicated that she was more conservative in her feminism and her understanding of matters of sexuality and gender than many of her fans had assumed. And finally, it seems the sparkle has worn off Adichie.

Both her comments and her clarifications were offensive. Yet “celebrities” wander into territory they aren’t equipped to navigate all the time, and in so doing they grossly oversimplify and flatten and demean the experiences of the people on whose behalf they claim to speak. So, in a sense, one might suggest her misstep was not such a big deal.

The difference is of course that Adichie is not Angelina Jolie. She has staked her reputation on substance and heft and thoughtfulness. Yet the disappointment amongst members of LGBTI and feminist communities I spoke with after Adichie’s comments were published, went deeper than that and it is important to examine that disappointment and what it speaks to.

In part, Adichie’s over-reach is again bigger than her. It is a consequence of a growing culture of stanning. Adichie has been steeped in a celebrity culture that has created the Beyhive – which functions as an emotional bodyguard for the singer; and she has been embraced and championed by the black girl magic movement. Stanning is not merely being a fan, it often involves taking on an active and confrontational stance in relation to defending one’s celebrity. The celebrity becomes an extension of the fan – a persona who stands in for the identities of those who love him or her. I understand the power of this feeling, and it is clear why Adichie has become as much of a celebrity as an African literary author can be, in the midst of this climate.

There is a politics to the adoration of course. Beyonce’s fans are not unthinking robots. As Fezokuhle Mthonti notes, in an essay in The Con, those who stan for Beyonce are “a complex set of people who traverse space and place in multiple and complicated ways.” Mthonti decries “the assumption that we are a homogenous set of automatons who have no agency, no capacity for critical thought.” Similarly, there is a politics that propels those who continue to admire Adichie even in the face of her transphobia. It is a politics similar to that which keeps her fans publicly quiet, even as they wonder about her decision to agree to promote Boots No. 7 by suggesting in a glamorous and expensive-looking ad, “the truth is, make up doesn’t actually mean anything, its simply make up.” Make up is a choice of course, and the conversation about its role and place in the lives of women and men is an important one. To have that discussion in service of selling make up is at best disingenuous, and at worst, patently self-serving. Still, the very fact of Adichie being chosen to represent a major fashion brand at all is seen as an affirmation – something not to be criticized but to be praised. The disquiet is quelled by the sense of being under siege, of being always scrutinized by the forces of racism and sexism. In this environment, raising questions – especially publicly –  is seen as an attack.

It is clear then that the relative silence in relation to the commodification of Adichie’s messages — particularly her feminism — is a testament to the fact that black girl magic has reached the limits of its usefulness.

***

When CeShawn Thompson created the hashtag #BlackGirlMagic in 2013, she was giving contemporary voice to a long-practiced strategy for coping amongst marginalized and excluded. The hashtag sought to push back against mainstream narratives about black women. The idea was simple. As a piece in the Huffington Post noted: “Black Girl Magic was used to illustrate the universal awesomeness of black women. It’s about celebrating anything we deem particularly dope, inspiring, or mind-blowing about ourselves.”

It caught on. It has provided a quick and easy retort to those who have felt it necessary to deride Venus and Serena Williams. It helped to push back against those who suggested Viola Davis was not “classically beautiful.” It shone a spotlight on the achievements of Misty Copeland, Simone Biles, Michelle Obama, and a host of other African-American women who were in the public eye, but risked backlash. #BlackGirlMagic enveloped them in a protective blanket. As they soared, they were kept on course by a brigade of young black women wearing capes making the air around them shimmer with beautiful arrogance.

As is almost always the case with pop culture, what began as a subaltern articulation with particular resonance amongst an internally cohesive group, managed to spread. The phrase was a push-back, a statement about the virtual impossibility of continuing to exist in the face of daily threats to life and limb – especially in Europe and Australia, where black women were visible minorities, or in places like Brazil and South Africa where blacks are the demographic majority but come up hard against the reality that the architecture of racism has resisted dismantling. The phrase acknowledges – in a subtext that is easy for black women to understand – the idea that black women pulled rabbits out of hats, made food appear where there was no money, provided us with educations. The phrase captures the sense when black women are able to succeed in systems that were never meant to accommodate them, it takes supernatural strength.

While the genesis of the phrase was political in ways that matter, it was also always teetering on the ledge of the sort of feel-good feminism that can be essentialist and counter-productive. Over time, black girl magic has run into tricky terrain. It has been gobbled up by the mainstream and has begun to privilege mainstream black women. In addition, inevitably, the advertising industry has been only to happy to capitalize on the trendiness of certain kinds of black women in ways that operate to depoliticize and deracinate what is worth saving in the idea of black girl magic.

And so we find ourselves in a moment in which the sort of black girl magic that is visible in popular culture is no longer subversive. Instead, the catch phrase too often celebrates only certain kinds of black women, and in so doing essentializes what it means to be a black girl, and what magic ought to look like. Rather than the emancipatory arrogance that has helped oppressed people survive exploitation, black girl magic offers a smug and increasingly narrow celebration of black womanhood.

And so, for many who remain on the fringes of even black womanhood itself – fat black women, trans women, disabled black women, dark skinned black women, poor black women, queer black women, sex workers who are black women – the notion of magic simply doesn’t apply.

It is virtually impossible to be magical while navigating systems of power that are genuinely hostile to those who seek to resist them. So for example, it is not evident in the hashtag movement, whether or not the struggles of black women who survive welfare and criminal justice systems — and do not tweet about their troubles — qualify as black girl magic. Do those who survive physical abuse and continue to go to school but are not straight A students make it onto the list of woman crushes?

Indeed, even for those who are included, those who are toasted for their magic, those – like Adichie and Beyonce and actress Taraji B. Henson – who have legions of fans who sprinkle them with fairy dust, the idea of being magical has its burdens.

Many of the women who occupy the black girl magic spotlight have support systems. Women like Michelle Obama, Serena Williams and Henson – the faves of the black girl magic movement – are wealthy. They are public figures for whom having fans is a part of life. Still, because the rise of black girl magic has coincided with an explosion in celebrity culture, and an intensification of the stan, these women find themselves in untenable positions – having to make choices and speak on behalf of people whose desires and dreams they will never know. This is at once the privilege and the quandary of being high profile. In addition, when the stumble – as Adichie has in a number of ways of late – the condemnation is harsh and swift. The fury aimed at black women is almost always disproportionate to the offense. Ironically, this paradox is precisely why stanning has become such an important – albeit double-edged – act of solidarity.

In “Why we should all be feminists,” Adichie argues: “Masculinity is a hard, small cage, and we put boys inside this cage.” She is right of course. It is also evident that black girl magic has come to function, if not as a cage, then certainly as a cave. Like cages, caves have their merits. They provide shelter from the elements and can offer privacy and spaces from which to recuperate. Still, caves can be dark dank places because they seldom let in enough light.

We are living through a difficult global moment. There are many forces arrayed against the very people black girl magic was conjured to protect and defend. Perhaps then, it is time to accept that creating new possibilities doesn’t happen magically. The work of imaging new futures and shaping alternate trajectories does not belong to a few glammed up spokespersons. Maybe we need to accept that it is the stans who will change their own world – through their solidarity and organizing and their critical intellect. This – much more than magic – will push our faves to be better.

 

>via: http://africasacountry.com/2017/04/all-your-faves-are-problematic-a-brief-history-of-chimamanda-ngozi-adichie-stanning-and-the-trap-of-blackgirlmagic/

 

 

 

APRIL 17, 2017

APRIL 17, 2017

 

 

 

 

WATCH:

BBC GOES

BACK IN TIME

WITH

SOUL II SOUL

FRONTMAN IN

DOCUMENTARY

‘JAZZIE B’S 1980S:

FROM DOLE

TO SOUL’

 

Following in the footsteps of Tom Jones, Keith Richards and Boy George, legendary Soul II Soul frontman Jazzie B took BBC Two viewers on a trip back in time last fall, exploring his 80s memories – sharing his experiences, what the decade meant to him and revisiting some of the key moments in his musical and personal journey.

The documentary film “Jazzie B’s 1980s: From Dole to Soul” tells an against-the-odds story about the success of a young black British businessman and musician in a time of mass unemployment and recession.

During the 1980s Britain was convulsed by social and cultural change, with massive unemployment, strikes and rioting, through to an economic recovery that saw an economic boom and designer labels and branding fuel a new, aspirational Britain.

Soul II Soul frontman and entrepreneur, Jazzie B, one of a family of ten, witnessed this change from both sides of the divide. The decade saw him progress from being a teen targeted by the Sus laws (stop and search laws) – with his own reggae sound system he took round London on a bus, to an international superstar, as “Keep on Movin” and “Back to Life” topped the charts the UK and in America, and came with a fashion line that sold from Camden Town to the world.

It’s a tale of identity: personal identity. In the decade defined by image and aspiration, Jazzie created his own unique style, the “Funki Dred” which set him apart, coining the first definitively British black street style and a Soul II Soul fashion brand – as he says, “before we knew what branding was”.

He achieved this with the support of the Tory government’s Enterprise Allowance Scheme, from a shop in Camden Town, while also running a reggae and soul sound system, Soul II Soul, run on a collective basis “at a time of rampant individualism”.

The film also examines the flowering of Britain’s multicultural identity, via the success of Soul II Soul, as a generation of Thatcher’s unwanted kids turned their music and art – through “Warehouse” parties and Pirate Radio – into a positive statement of unity and world-famous rhythm and style. Soul II Soul, by the end of the 80s, created and released their own music which, with the album Club Classics Vol. One and the singles, topped the charts around the globe.

Jazzie explores the 1980s giving his perspective on aspects of the era – from Thatcherism to fashion, racism to TV shows, hairstyles to warehouse parties. The film features a stellar cast of contributors that include Sir Lenny Henry, Ian Wright MBE, Sir Viv Richards, Tony Hadley, Lord Tebbit, DJs Trevor Nelson MBE, Judge Jules and Norman Jay MBE, Caron Wheeler (singer, Soul II Soul), Caryn Franklin (founder, i-D Magazine), Sheryl Garratt (editor, The Face) and writer Lloyd Bradley.

Jazzie said before the documentary aired on BBC Two last fall: “What was really special about the 80s was the change – both culturally and politically; walls actually coming down, being on the cusp of wars and that ending, and a huge shift with new technology becoming available. The changes that happened in the 80s were so important for Soul II Soul, for me and my generation, opening up the doors to the 90s and letting us realise there was a whole world out there. That’s how important the 80s were for me.”

“Jazzie B’s 1980s: From Dole to Soul” is now online for non-UK audiences interested who haven’t had the opportunity to watch it. Check out the full documentary below:

 

>via: http://shadowandact.com/2017/04/17/watch-bbc-goes-back-in-time-with-soul-ii-soul-frontman-in-documentary-jazzie-bs-1980s-from-dole-to-soul/

 

 

CfP: Public Service and

Community Interpreting

in Africa

Workshop on 6 October 2017 in Freiburg, Germany

deadline: 30 April 2017

 

public service
On the 6 October 2017, the Institute of Multilingualism at the University of Fribourg, Switzerland, will host a 1-day workshop organized by the Swiss Society for African Studies (www.sagw.ch/en/africa.html) and the Institute of Multilingualism (www.institute-multilingualism.ch).

Linguistic diversity in African societies involves a wide range of translating and interpreting practices among speakers for mutual understanding. In many cases, daily social interactions, rather than formal training, provide the context and basis to act as interpreter. But many formal settings, such as the administration or educational institutions, continue to be dominated by former colonial languages, which are languages spoken only by a minority of the population. Interaction between representatives of these officially monolingual institutions and plurilingual speakers are often mediated through practices of interpretation that vary in their degree of formalization and professionalization. So far, very little training exists for public service or community interpreting in Africa. This poses serious challenges to equal access for all citizens to public services, which is particularly evident in court and in administrative settings in post-colonial contexts in Africa.

This workshop serves as a platform to bring together interested scholars from Africa and Europe looking at various aspects of public service and community interpreting in African societies. We want to rethink inherited language politics and attitudes towards the use of African languages in formal settings and the repercussions this has on an equal access to justice, for example. We encourage contributions from researchers in African Studies, anthropology, language and literature studies, (socio)linguistics, translation and interpretation studies, but also members of NGOs and applied scientists who are interested in exploring public service and community interpretation in Africa.

Our keynote speaker will be Dr. Mamadou Lamine Sanogo (Institut National des Sciences des Sociétés INSS, Ouagadougou). Dr. Sanogo is senior researcher at the INSS and an expert on language and politics in Burkina Faso. His recent work has focused on the translation of official texts into national languages, the compilation of a Jula-French dictionary, and particularly the elaboration of legal vocabulary in Jula.

Paper proposals should include full contact details (email address, full mailing address, affiliation) and an abstract of up to 250 words.

The final deadline for electronic submission of proposals is the 30 April 2017. Notices of acceptance will be sent out no later than 1 June 2017. Proposals should be submitted to: natalie.tarr@bluewin.ch.

Workshop registration will cost 50 CHF for all participants (paper presenters and attendees).

Looking forward to seeing you in Fribourg!

The organizers,

Prof. Alexandre Duchêne (University of Fribourg, alexandre.duchene@unifr.ch)

Natalie Tarr, MA (University of Basel, natalie.tarr@bluewin.ch)

Dr. Gabriele Slezak (University of Vienna, (G.Slezak@oefse.at)

 

>via: https://africainwords.com/2017/04/23/cfp-public-service-and-community-interpreting-in-africa-6-oct-2017-freiburg-deadline-30-april-2017/

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ends on May 1, 2017

$5.00 USD

Sheila-Na-Gig online is happy to sponsor
four poetry contests a year. Winners receive
$100 each and publication in Sheila-Na-Gig online.
 

Fall issue
submission period:
June 1 — August 1
 
 

Winter issue submission period:
September 1 — November 1

 
 

Spring issue submission period:
December 1 — February 1

 
 

Summer issue submission period:
March 1 — May 1

 
 
 

The submission fee is $5.00
(1/2 Price Summer Special!)

 
 

 

Submit up to 3 poems via Submittable.

 

>via: https://sheila-na-gigonline.submittable.com/submit/59633/summer-2017-contest-submissions

 

 

 

 

sfwp

SFWP AWARDS PROGRAM

2017 JUDGE: BENJAMIN PERCY

DEADLINE: JULY 20TH, 2017

CLICK HERE FOR SUBMISSION DETAILS!

Guidelines

  • Open to everyone over the age of 18. International entries welcome. You and your entry do not need to be associated with New Mexico, we publish a wide variety of fiction and nonfiction globally. You can find a list of past winners right here.
  • What are we looking for? All fiction and creative nonfiction will be eligible despite genre, form, subject, or length. So we’ll take full-length manuscripts, works-in-progress, collections short or long, and essays. We don’t care about what the big presses believe to be “marketable,” we want to see excellence in writing, no matter the form it takes. Past winners have ranged from flash fiction to memoir to magical realism to literary fiction to cultural essays.
  • The length of your entry is not an issue. There’s no minimum or maximum.
  • The grand prize is $1,500, and two runner-ups will receive $1,000 each.
  • Authors retain all rights to their work.
  • Winners will be offered a competitive book contract for full-market, frontlist release. There’s no obligation to sign this contract.
  • There is a $30 reading fee.
  • This year’s judge is Benjamin Percy. See below for more details.
  • SFWP will not keep submissions on file or use them for any purpose without the permission of the respective authors. We do not share personal contact information with any individual, organization, or marketing agency.
  • Deadline: July 20th, 2017.
  • Multiple entries will be accepted.
  • Entries may include a synopsis, outline, or introductory letter. Do not send personal correspondence to the judge.
  • You may participate in other contests and programs as well as pursue publication during the SFWP 2017 Awards Cycle. There will be no penalties if your work wins another award or is published before the judging begins.

Who is eligible?

  • All unpublished work is eligible.
  • Previously published material is also eligible as long as it has not been published by a major press. So you can submit if you have published in zines, lit journals, and with small indie presses.
  • Self-published books are eligible, as are books published via Amazon’s CreateSpace, KDP, etc.
  • If you have published with a small press and have not received any marketing support, then your book is eligible (The standard industry cut-off for marketing support (advertising, publicity, etc.) is $5000-$10,000).
  • If you have questions, please contact us.
 

First time here? What’s this all about?
Since 2000, the SFWP Literary Awards Program has recognized excellence in writing, judged by National Book Critics Circle Award-winner and NBA finalist Jayne Anne Phillips, two-time NEA fellow and Hemingway Award finalist Richard Currey, Granta “best novelist under 40″ and Guggenheim fellow Chris Offutt, Pulitzer prize-winner Robert Olen Butler, NPR’s “Voice of Books” Alan Cheuse, the “Queen of the Zines,” Pagan Kennedy, the “Father of Rambo,” David Morrell, the “Godfather of Creative Nonfiction,” Lee Gutkind, and award-winning author Emily St. John Mandel. (And, no, you do not have to live in Santa Fe. The program is open to everyone, everywhere in the world.)

Winning the Grand Prize for the Santa Fe Writers Project Literary Awards Program launched the best year of my professional life. SFWP is a first class organization, one that actually uses its program to promote writers.
K.L. Cook, author of Last Call and The Girl from Charnelle

The Judge

benjamin percy-300x201
Benjamin Percy is the author of three novels, the most recent among them The Dead Lands (Grand Central/Hachette, 2015), a post-apocalyptic reimagining of the Lewis and Clark saga. He is also the author of Red Moon (Grand Central/Hachette, 2013), and The Wilding(Graywolf Press, 2010), as well as two books of short stories, Refresh, Refresh (Graywolf Press, 2007) and The Language of Elk (Grand Central/Hachette, 2012; Carnegie Mellon UP, 2006).

His craft book, Thrill Me: Essays on Fiction, will be published by Graywolf Press in October 2016. His next novel, The Dark Net, is due out in 2017 with Houghton Mifflin Harcourt.

His fiction and nonfiction have been read on NPR, performed at Symphony Space, and published by Esquire, GQ, Time, Men’s Journal, and many more. He also writes the Green Arrow and Teen Titans series at DC Comics.

Learn more about Benjamin Percy at his website here. 

 

>via: http://sfwp.com/the-contest/?utm_content=50509473&utm_medium=social&utm_source=twitter